|
|
| |
American
Anthropologist Boas, Franz. In Memoriam: Herman Karl Haeberlin. American Anthropologist, 1919 Vol 21:71-74. This article is about the life of a valued member of the American Anthropologist
Association, Herman Karl Haeberlin, who died on February 12, 1918 after
a long illness which had sapped his strength for over a year. He developed
symptoms of diabetes while he was working with the tribes of Puget in
the summer of 1916. He was able to continue his work in 1917, but during
the following winter the disease increased, and while on a visit in The article begins
by discussing Haeberlin’s birth in Boas then goes on to talk about the numerous phases of anthropological
inquiry that Haeberlin was involved with. His first investigation dealt
with the decorative art among the Pueblo Indians and his studies were
based on the collections of the Boas states that we have lost in him one of the most promising anthropologists;
but we have lost more. All those who knew him remember the charm of his
personality and the rare excellence of his character. To us his departure
is a personal loss, and he will not easily be forgotten. This article will interest individuals who are familiar with the life
and work of Herman Karl Haeberlin. It is an excellent summary of his
contributions to the field of Anthropology and a great testiment to his
character. CLARITY RANKING: 5
The end of the Nineteenth Century and the birth of the Twentieth Century saw an emerging field of anthropology from outside disciplines and their leading theorists. Herman K. Haeberlin was associated with one of these earlier generations that brought about the continuing innovative applications from other fields to augment and build the foundation for anthropology as we know it today. Franz Boas wrote this article after Haeberlin’s death on February 12, 1918 to give an appreciative nod to his work. Boas structured the article in a chronological order from Haeberlin’s birth, through his academic studies, to his final fieldwork in Puget Sound preceding his death. Haeberlin was also a valued member of the American Anthropological Association and a friend to Franz Boas. Boas’ overview of Haeberlin’s career seems to punctuate the purpose of the ‘American Anthropologist’ and further the validation of Boas’ philosophies. Haeberlin’s academic beginnings were from the same roots as Malinowski, Durkheim, and Boas. This base of similar studies under Lamprecht and Wundt reflect a possible explanation for Boas’ motivations. Boaz briefly highlights each aspect of Haeberlin’s career with comments on his work ethics and contributions. Boas leaves out many significant points to Haeberlin’s work from the psychological and philosophical applications he used in his studies during his brief career. The article notes his work on development of decorative art among the Pueblo Indians, his reviews and articles, and the studies in the North Pacific. Unfortunately, Boas does not expand on his observations concerning these pieces leaving the reader unsure of what Haeberlin thought and how this impacted the field. He stated how Haeberlin’s work on the Pueblo Indians differed in viewpoint than that of the Salishan study but failed to elaborate. This article summarizes Herman K. Haeberlin’s life and work with the intent to advocate the times current trends in the establishment of anthropology as a scientific field of study. It falls short for the reader who may not be familiar Haeberlin’s work leaving many questions unanswered. CLARITY: 2 JAMES S. AUSTIN University of South Florida (Kevin A. Yelvington) .gif){kind=small} Boas, Franz. Report on the Academic Teaching of Anthropology. American Anthropologist 1919. Vol.21: 41-48. Franz Boas’ article develops from the issues discussed at a conference on the subject of the concern of the methods of instruction of anthropology in many universities and colleges. The issues discussed in the article were determined by the participants of these specific conferences that were held during the years of 1916 and 1918. These points resulted from the studies of the anthropologists (surveys and other documentation), and argued that the need for the representation of anthropology in post-secondary schools was essential. The dominant point in Boas’ article is the significance of anthropology in everyday life - whether it is an extensive component of any or all non/professional training at a university or as part of cultural understanding in the day-to-day performances of individuals. The anthropological field at any and all universities or colleges needs to expand the amount and depth of its instruction to facilitate the growing demand of this discipline. At the time this article was published, the representation of anthropology was very limited. The methods proposed in the article call for the reconstruction of the history of mankind; to look at the scope of introductory work; to set anthropology apart from the other sciences in its unique study of human life; and to approach the professional training of anthropologists - which is imperative to the understanding and completion of other degrees of equal capacity. Anthropology plays an integral part in our social environment and should be incorporated through other lessons of thought. As Boas states, "it broadens the outlook upon the phenomena of civilization, and increases the power of objective interpretation of our own cultural attitudes." (pg.42) The evidence presented to support and facilitate the need for an increased level of studies is the requirements that developed from the studies and current knowledge of anthropologists of that time. They are used as a tentative guideline for the prospective methods of instruction in anthropology – which many of the modern post-secondary institutions of today represent in their descriptions of courses. This discussion integrates the purpose of the growing necessity and, ultimately, the important advantages that will result from this anticipated awareness in the discourse of anthropology for that time. The article is relatively simple to follow and for individuals interested in how the department of anthropology came to be represented today, this article is a beginning focal point of the issues that set it in motion. CLARITY: 4 .gif){kind=small} Boas, Franz Report on the Teaching of Anthropology American Anthropologist 1919 Vol. 21: 41-48 The study and instruction of anthropology became a subject of discussion
in the early twentieth century. A few years of discussion, beginning
in 1916, involved the participation of the prominent anthropologists
of the time, such as Franz Boas, A.L. Kroeber, and Clark Wissler. At
a conference at The report states that the science of anthropology aims to holistically
reconstruct the history of mankind as a whole. Through objective and
consistent consideration, anthropology studies civilized and primitive
man, trains the mind, broadens outlooks, and enables objective interpretation.
Anthropology contributes to the study of the humanities and is tasked
with widening the view of many human sciences through its broader perspective
of human history and the forces that have shaped it. The pertinence of
anthropological training for professionals such as teachers, social workers,
and colonial officers, not to mention others, was yet to be established
at this time. The study of anthropology encompasses a scope of biological, psychological,
environmental, and social forces that should be reviewed by those who
are continuing in studies of other areas of human science. Emphasis should
be on biological and social development, and the forces behind such development.
Undergraduate study will be limited to the most salient points while
more advanced study will be more critical and systematic in nature. The
study of anthropology for the professional will be left to trained anthropologists,
whose concentrations are more focused on anthropological problems ranging
from biology to language, history, or geology. Training in methods is
necessary and specialization in a certain area is an advantage at this
level. Requirements advised
by a department of anthropology are outlined as introductory and advanced
courses, with the use of
museum material. Advanced
teaching requires practical training, and more extensive museum work,
as well as observation of groups in the local and ‘primitive’ societies. CLARITY: 5 Frassetto, Fabio. A Uniform Blank of Measurements to be used in Recruiting. A Plea for the Standardization of Anthropological Methods. American Anthropologist April-June, 1919 Vol. 21 (2):175-181. In this article Frassetto, an Italian anthropologist, is calling for
a standardized system of measurement for all anthropometric measurements. The underlying problem that Frassetto is
dealing with is the use of both the English and Metric systems of measurement
in anthropology. He begins by
pointing out that anthropometric measuring as a science is more precise
than the measuring done by other skilled persons. It
is the goal of anthropometry as a science to measure and then categorize
people based on average deviations of their external morphology. Many
of these measurements can be very small and the apparatus for measuring
very awkward to use. Coupled with having to convert between English and
metric units, the margin of error for these measurements can be relatively
large, and the resulting data relatively weak. Therefore,
at the present without a uniform blank, a lot of time and money is wasted
on inconclusive data. To overlook
these inconsistencies, Frassetto says, is to create “false concepts”, and to “damage science and society”. In
support of his argument Frassetto points out the United States Army’s
decision to switch all measurements on their personnel and equipment
in In answer to this problem Frassetto closes by offering a 10 point “decalogue” to “serve as guides for the unification of anthropological methods”. These points are very wordy and somewhat redundant. The redundant points are that all measurements should be metric and that all tools and techniques should be prescribed. The “blank” (or procedural template) that he talks about, which is to include common methods, prescribed measurements and points of reference should be developed by a group of accredited anthropologists and should thus be logical. Furthermore, all naming should be in Latin with an alternate name to be used colloquially in hopes that the methods decided on may be applicable to practical purposes. CLARITY RANKING: 3 DANIEL H. VANZANT Southern
Frassetto, Fabio. A Uniform Blank of Measurements to be used in Recruiting. A Plea for the Standardization of Anthropological Methods. American Anthropologist, 1919 Vol.21: 175-181. This article is about the need for action about the problems of a lack of standardization of anthropological methodology. Frassetto is clearly of the position that anthropology is a science and seeks to make it more scientific. He persuades the reader/listener that there is a problem and a serious one then provides an important solution, though large in scale. First, Frassetto makes the case for uniform measuring standards in terms of the points of measurement on the body. Frassetto mentions the different points of measurement in anthropometry and how they are measured so differently among authors as to make the data incomparable across different authors. To further discuss the problems, he talks about the more “serious” uncertainties created by non-anthropologists collecting anthropometric data, mentioning clinical doctors and military surgeons among others. Frassetto discusses the fact that the many studies done on soldiers during the war may not prove useful due to these problems. The solution he suggests is a uniform blank of measurements to be used in recruiting. Here he moves onto his second point, the international use of two different measurement systems, saying that uniformity cannot be achieved without the resolution of the problem of measurement systems. Frassetto says that there has been “very great progress” made in the United States and England toward the adoption of the metric system and includes the text of a letter from the US Secretary of War saying that all artillery and machine gun material intended for service abroad will be made metric and that instruction in the metric system will be provided by the War Department. Frassetto cites these as reasons for encouragement and hope that all recruitment anthropometry will be done using the metric system before long. He then makes his final point, having proven that standardization is needed; he suggests that a committee be formed to standardize anthropological methods. This committee, he proposes, would gather and coordinate all the research and ideas into standardized methods for anthropological study. He notes that this would be a huge and difficult task but that it could be achieved somewhat more simply by dividing the tasks at hand among committee members to investigate based on their expertise. He concludes providing a list of ten points which he sees as the fundamental criteria which should guide the unification of anthropological methods, among which are the idea that all measurement should be in centimeters, that it should be inductive study that includes internal and sense organs, that it should use Latin nomenclature for anthropological terms, and that it should use a ”properly selected set of instruments” to make measurements with a minimal amount of admissible error. It is a very important article to understanding the development of anthropology but uses many technical terms and can be hard to follow. CLARITY: 2 MWENZA BLELL University of South Florida (Kevin A. Yelvington) Grinnell, George
Bird. A George Bird Grinnell
records in great detail the ‘ceremonial’ construction
of a sweathouse. It is a step by step account of procedure, told chronologically,
which favors detail over cultural significance. Grinnell alows the dizzying
profusion of detail stand as obvious proof of cultural meaning. He proficiency
of detail is summed up in the ‘order of operations’ which breaks up the
process into twenty-one steps. Although cultural
significance of the sweatlodge is implied through words like "sacred", "religious" and "ceremonial" these
are used more as replaceable adjectives, not as concepts to be investigated.
There is clearly a lack of engagement with the The writer’s Western
perspective is certainly implicated yet his lack of engagement with
the The cultural context for the CLARITY RANKING: 3 Haberlin, Herman
K. Types
Of Ceramic Art In The Herman Haberlin’s
article examines the typology of pottery found in the Herman Haberlin begins his article by introducing the reader to the Culhuacan pottery and the three main civilizations, which also produced different types of pottery. These three groups were the Aztecs, the Toltecs and the archaic group. Haberlin gives many illustrations of each civilization's pottery and makes comparisons and contrasts between them, thus implying their cultural relevance and context. Haberlin then goes on to explain specific problems he found in studying the pottery. The problems that Haberlin mentioned with the Culhuacan pottery is that it was created far too hastily and it never presented the regularity of their ideal forms. Haberlin goes into some detail about how the designs on the pottery are from one proto-type yet they have an individual element. Therefore diminishing their importance. Towards the end of the article, Herman Haberlin tries to convey to the reader that there are no limitations on research, and that the artifacts found cannot be classified into only one category of thought but include a wide range of perspectives and disciplines, such as psychology. He insists that there are many different ways of looking at the Culhuacan pottery and it is wrong to make one single broad generalization about their meanings and content. By giving the reader many different examples and illustrations of pottery, we see the significance of intensive studying and that the field of anthropology should have no bounds or limits. CLARITY: 4 Haeberlin, Herman K. Types
of Ceramic Art in the In his article,
Herman K. Haeberlin examines the various styles of “Culhuacan” pottery
found in the The importance of this particular site is that, unlike many Furthermore,
Haeberlin discusses the more prominent features of each culture’s pottery. First, the
features of the archaic culture include a type of brown pottery decorated
with both thin and broad red lines, a heavy pottery decorated by indentations,
pottery covered with a white slip then ornamented with scored designs,
and a type of fretted pottery close to that of prehistoric Additionally, Haeberlin explains the manufacturing process of pots from
the Aztec culture-period. Haeberlin
explains that each directly reflects the characteristics of the pot maker. Each
pot is similar to a person’s own unique handwriting. Therefore,
one can then ultimately recognize the work of a single pot maker. In this sense, Haeberlin has created a psychological
view of anthropology/archaeology and has also anticipated much later
archaeological work on ceramics. Furthermore, an article remembering Herman Karl Haeberlin by Franz Boas
is placed at the end of this article. Boas’ article
commemorates Herman K. Haeberlin for his outstanding work prior to
his death on February 12, 1918. Haeberlin
fought symptoms of diabetes and finally acidosis for over a year before
his death. He had studied at the
universities of Leipsic and CLARITY: 4 RAQUEL A. OZANICH Southern Hardy, Osgood. The Indians of the Department of Cuzco. American Anthropologist January-March 1919 Vol.21 (1): 1-27. Osgood Hardy chronicles a year and a half spent as Chief Assistant and Interpreter of the 1914-1915 Peruvian Expedition. He argues that Peru’s varying elevations have a greater effect on the characteristics of the inhabitants than does any other region in the world. Hardy sets forth to prove his point by focusing on the three natural zones which have been distinctly formed by the differing altitudes. He states that the altitude affects the fertility of the soil, causing Peruvians to adapt their lifestyles to these variations. Hardy describes in detail, the different cultures within the zones, highlighting the differences between language, diet, traditions, celebrations, clothing, and household responsibilities. Hardy makes general statements regarding Peruvian aboriginal peoples, describing them as extremely simple people that lead a dreary life (Pg.5, 25). Moreover, Hardy concentrated largely on the fact that they were lacking in ‘modern’ skills. He even goes as far as to rate how attractive the women were in the different regions. Although the article was thorough, it focuses primarily on Hardy’s own opinions of the Peruvian aboriginal peoples. There was little factual evidence to support Hardy’s points. In the end, the article left me confused between fact and personal opinion. CLARITY RANKING: 3 Hardy, Osgood. The Indians of the Department of Cuzco. American Anthropologist 1919 Vol. 21:1-27. The writer Osgood Hardy spent a year and half as chief assistant and
interpreter for the Peruvian Expedition of 1914-1915. He was sent out
from For instance, all natives were described as having dark, short hair
and dark eyes. The men in the Sierras were much more attractive than
those in the lower areas, who were "smaller, less healthy, and show[ed]
more marks of dissipation" (2). Women were described as rotund
or emaciated in appearance. Small pox had disfigured many, and all
natives
had poor health. Variations in terms of dress for both men and women
were noted based on where they lived in the region. The author described
the homes of the highland Indian as crudely made of stone and mud.
This building trend continued until the tropical belt where the walls
were
made of small poles and bamboo canes. The food varied throughout the regions, but maize was the staple diet.
Meat was consumed, but beef was rare in the highlands. The cereal belt
was completely vegetarian, and the tropical belt consumed very little
meat. Occupations consisted of stock herding, and agriculture. Crops
included potatoes in the highlands; wheat, barley and corn in the cereal
belt; and sugar and coca plantations in the tropical belt. The author’s study of the language also described differences between
the Quichua language of the Economically, the Indians were notes as being very poor, and that many
had very little or no personal property. The life of the Indian was
described as being "very dreary" (25), their low conditions
exasperated by the presence of cocaine, alcohol and a lack of education.
Despite
these adversities, the Cuzco Indians were described as capable, and
skilled at adapting to different situations. They were kind and generous
to each
other, but their struggle for existence had taken its toll. CLARITY: 5 Hostos, de Adolfo. Prehistoric Hostos examines and details aspects of aboriginal art and the history
of art making by drawing on archaeological evidence of potsherds, clay
dishes, and pottery vessels as well as historical knowledge about the
beliefs, values and actions of the people. His overall ambition is try to pinpoint the origin of the aborigines
in Porto Rico by trying to correlate the ceramics found there and in
South and Hostos provides a descriptive overview of some of the aboriginal ceramics
found in Porto Rico by drawing on other archaeologists works and excavations
done on the island. In addition, Hostos hints that by studying the aboriginal ceramic industry
it could provide informative clues to how they aboriginal lived, what
they believed in, what they ate, what certain actions they performed,
and the what technological advances might have occurred. Hostos acknowledges that since there remains a lack of consistent evidence
of archaeological material there are no definite answers to the question
on when and where the aboriginals came from. Given that there remains
a noticeable gap between Neolithic and Paleolithic findings in Porto
Rico it is very difficult to make definite conclusions to their origins. Finally Hostos outlines a tentative plan in which he hopes will be followed
in the near feature; one that requires continued excavation, comparative
study within Porto Rico and the surrounding continents, and a continued
study on ceramic remains. CLARITY RANKING: 3 De Hostos, Adolfo. Prehistoric The author focuses his research in this article on the Boinquen (Indian
name) of Proto Rico. The people
of this culture were not hunters and warriors, rather they were fishermen
and agriculturalists. They used
baked clay vessels to cook their food, carry water, and for other purposes
they found necessary in their society. These
other purposes for the ceramics were related to ceremonial and sacrificial
uses of their religion. The author infers these uses from the potters’ use
of art. These designs usually
came from religious beliefs held in their society. Historians
and archaeological excavations have found that “the deeper the layer,
the lower the quality.” He states
that on or near the surface there were beautiful, painted, polished and
sometimes lustrous ware. However,
he also states that most primitive specimens are found eight to ten feet
below the surface. This evidence
shows that the making of ceramics was a gradual and long lasting process
and not a fast paced change with interruptions. Many of these excavations that take place in the CLARITY RANKING: 4 HILARY WHEELER Southern Kroeber A.L. On The Principle Of Order in Civilization as Exemplified By Changes Of Fashion. American Anthropologist 1919 Vol. 21:235-263. Changes in fashion can be compared to changes in civilization argues the author in this article. The author begins by saying that fluctuations of literature are analogous to civilization’s fluctuations. Kroeber then starts to examine what other ideas or material objects could also show similarities to the rise and fall of civilization. Comparing religion and manufactured items to civilization was rejected. Kroeber decides that changes in fashion , more specifically a "Women’s full evening toilette" (pp.239), could be compared to the rise and fall of civilizations. The author took eight different measurements of women’s dresses from fashion magazines between 1844 and 1919. Length of skirt, diameter of waist, length of waist, décolletage, width of décolletage etc. is all analyzed in great detail about how width and length are related. The measurements were used in the author’s position that similarities could be found between how civilization and fashion alter through time. Though it may be arbitrary, the author writes, a girl may be assured that she will wear a longer skirt then her mother and the width of the skirt will continue to increase until she is old. Kroeber writes that this is very much how law works. The rise and fall of civilization and fashion both follow asymmetrical curves ( which is shown best in the diameter of the waist and depth of décolletage). The idea that fashion is a product of a few very intelligent people is refuted and one must account for many different factors when looking at change. The essay concludes with two points. The first point being that people must be able to relate to history. Thus, because people must relate to history, history is not written as it really happened; people reconstruct the truth. Second, a pattern can be seen in how civilizations rise and fall, and this pattern can be seen in fashion. The author goes into great detail (20 pages) on how they did the measurements of the dresses. It is only in the last few pages that the author compares fashion and civilization. The author’s argument is not clear and neither is the point of the paper. CLARITY RANKING: 2 Kroeber, A.L. On The Principle of Order in Civilization as Exemplified by Changes in Fashion. American Anthropologist 1919 Vol.21:235-263. A.L. Kroeber’s main premise is the co-relation of cyclical growth and
decay of civilization to changes in fashion. The data, taken from women’s
evening wear spans from 1844 to 1919. It consists of mainly ten examples
from each year from which eight measurements were taken: width of skirt;
length of waist; décolletage; width of décolletage. Kroeber draws on
the quantitative- measurements- to describe the qualitative-fashion-
phenomena; this provides a buttress for the idea of "rhythmic inevitability" and
its physical expression in fashion. The main thrust of his argument is that of "civilizational determinism",
a historical causality that provides the scheme within which fashion
operates. The Author’s firm belief that it is cultural events-the framework
of the "regularity in social change"-that fashion responds
to. Consequently, "individualistic randomness" in the form
of achievement or ability is always secondary to an underlying rhythm. This article provides detailed information of changes in woman’s evening
fashions for the period of 1844 to 1919 in the form of charts, graphs
and ratios. Although the author admits this is only a "preliminary
investigation" due to the limited scope of data, this would still
be a useful starting point for anyone wanting to extend the investigation.
Changes in fashion were observed to generally our gradually over a
long period of time; alternatively, there are extreme fluctuations
in fashion
in the twenty-five years preceding 1919. CLARITY RANKING: 4 Lafone Quevedo, Samuel A. Guarani Kinship Terms as Index of Social Organization. American Anthropologist Oct-Dec, 1919 Vol. 21(4):421-440. Samuel Lafone Quevedo explains the kinship terms of the Guarani Indians. In the very beginning of the article he gives many descriptions of the marriage customs as explained by different explorers. His main point in doing this is so that the reader has a clear understanding of who can marry whom and also for an understanding of the different family member relationships. The main thing Samuel was trying to get across was that there is a direct relation to the breakdown of the lexicon of kinship terms to the actual membership of kin. He spends a lot time breaking the terms down piece by piece, in order to give their meaning. He does this also because he believes that the kinship terms are descriptive in every sense; ethnic, sexual, and in their origins. He goes on to show that although their marriage rules and customs seem to be complex and complicated, that in relation to the terminology they are very organized and systematic. This article is not for the common reader, but is more directed at a linguistically educated reader. This is a drawback in that it made it difficult to read. CLARITY RANKING: 2 ASHLEY CASS Southern Langford, George. The George Langford’s account of his finding a “refuse heap” along the banks
of the Kankakee River on the Will/Grundy county line is one of an experienced
archaeologist who has discovered the remains of a culture previously
unknown to him, the Mississippian (or Late Prehistoric) culture. Led to the site by collectors who considered
it unimportant due to its lack of “large
or showy pieces”, Langford recognized the site as one of great importance
because the material he encountered was unlike any he had seen before. Indeed
the lithic assemblage contained no large or showy pieces, but instead
had a small, unstemmed triangular point as its dominant component. This
type of point today is commonly known as a Langford speaks of very dense faunal material, both burned and not, much of it modified for utilitarian or ornamental purposes. It is interesting to note his mention of finding a great number of Deer astragali (ankle bones), for while their density does promote preservation, they are also commonly found at many Mississippian sites, such as Angel Mounds, ground on the sides to form “game pieces”. Langford’s most significant discovery, and he recognizes this, is the pottery. The clay is tempered with crushed mussel shell, a temper he had never before seen. Shell-tempered pottery is another hallmark Mississippian trait, the technical prerequisite of one of the most elaborate and widely known ceramic traditions. Langford’s flaw is that he deems the material as belonging to an older,
artistically less advanced culture than the surrounding sites that
produce larger, more elaborate lithic artifacts and have more complicated
ceramic
surface treatments. Of course
this Mississippian refuse heap postdates these sites, and the technology
is younger and more advanced. CLARITY RANKING: 4 BRAD WILLIAMS Southern Langford, George. The Kankakee River Refuse Heap. Evidence of a Unique and Primitive Culture in the Southwestern Chicago Area. American Anthropologist, 1919 Vol.21: 287-291. In this article
Langford proposes and defends the theory that a Native American culture
existed in northwestern Illinois which
was different
from the native cultures of the surrounding areas. This supports the
overturn of the Moundbuilder myths of the previous century, in favor
of the idea that Native Americans can and do have complex cultures capable
of producing “advanced” features on significant archaeological
sites. Langford’s evidence supporting these ideas comes from his
personal survey of a refuse heap site in Illinois, located about eighteen
miles southwest of Joliet on the east bank of the Kankakee River. He
provides a detailed description of the site’s physical geological
characteristics, history, description by the local inhabitants, and the
artifacts and ecofacts which he discovered there. CLARITY: 5 CRYSTAL CALHOUN University of South Florida (Kevin A. Yelvington) Lowie, Robert H. Family and Sib. American Anthropologist 1919 Vol 21 (2):28-40. Robert Lowie writes about the development of the "sib system" (see below for explication). Refuting his previous work, in this article Lowie argues that "a particular group of kin resulted in a sib system." Prior anthropological study, especially by Tylor, argued the opposite: that the sib system emerged first. Lowie’s intentions. as he states them in the article, are not to present a "historical paper" but rather to challenge the existing notion that sib systems came before the kin group. He feels that intense study of this area is required if "we are ever going to frame a satisfactory theory of the development of social organization" (40). Lowie used the work of his colleagues (Goldenweiser, von den Steinen,
Morgan, Sapir, Bleek, Speck and Tylor) to support his case and to refute
the work of some others. He used Dakota and Hawaiian naming systems to
show that the kin group emerged before the sib system. In addition, he
demonstrated the wording for family members of sib-less societies to
show how the kin group existed for longer. His evidence is far reaching,
from Polynesian peoples to that of the This article is a challenging read especially if the audience has no prior knowledge of the particular naming systems, or kinship theory (the sib system refers to a kinship grouping in which kin are traced through the male or female lines. For example, if traced through the mother’s line, all her relatives are considered part of your kin group, and your father’s side of the family would be excluded, or vice versa). The degree of technical language in this article means a dictionary would be helpful to guide you through the nomenclature. CLARITY RATING: 2 Lowie, R. H. Family and Sib. American Anthropologist 1919 Vol. 21:28-40 Lowie’s objective is to explain the importance in better understanding
the social aspects of "loosely organized peoples" and realizing
that the tribal customs including sib organized tribes are both "uniform".
The article demonstrates the importance of studying social organizations
and the "concomitant cultural traits" of these tribes. The
concept of loosely organized tribes being lower on the cultural plane
and the placement of tribes organized into sibs at a higher level is
discussed throughout the article. Lowie does not agree with this. Lowie compares the
sib to kinship groups. He discusses the differences that exist in matronymic
and patronymic societies and
the exclusion
of "one
half of the blood-kindred"; however, he explains that "on the
other hand, it admits on equal terms all kindred of the favored side
regardless of degree…whence the rule of sib exogamy". Lowie strives
to demonstrate that the "characteristic features of sib organization
are in some measure prefigured among sibless tribes…that the sib is in
fact merely a group of kindred thus segregated and defined by a distinctive
name". There is nothing special about sib tribes, except that
they have been given a name. This does not make their way of life and
structure
of society in a higher realm. Lowie presents his
objectives through description and discussions of several different
tribes, and through comparisons he
is able to justify
his argument. He uses arguments from several doctors and other contributors
such as Dr. Goldenweiser, Dr. Karl von den Steinen, Tylor and Dr. Sapir.
He describes the Chukchi nomenculture, the class systems of the Wind
River Shoshoni, The Coast Salish and the Paviotso and presents the
similarities and differences that exist. He demonstrates the difference
in linguistic
stocks from "four tribes typical of the great sibless area" to
show how they also have "definite bifurcation of blood-kindred."His
article is full of assumptions and explanations that help to understand
the differences in tribes, sib organized and not. CLARITY: 2 MacCurdy, George Grant. The Academic Teaching of Anthropology in Connection With Other Departments. American Anthropologist N.S., January-March, 1919 Vol.21:49-60. In 1916, George Grant MacCurdy attended a meeting at At the start of the twentieth century, anthropology was beginning to
establish itself as a unique department in some of the leading universities
across In his article, MacCurdy sets out to highlight the increasing interest of universities and colleges in the field of anthropology. He provides a copy of the letter which he circulated to 196 institutions; this letter states clearly the information that MacCurdy set out to collect, and his objectives in collecting this data. Then follows 39 brief responses to his letter, each of which highlights how anthropology has been incorporated at that institution. MacCurdy presents all information in a clear and organized manner. He elaborates a small amount upon the responses, discussing the significance of the provided information. This article is clearly put together and is successful in surveying the instruction of anthropology in American institutions. For an elaboration upon the goals of anthropological instruction, please refer to the preceding article: "Report on the Academic Teaching of Anthropology" by Franz Boas. (American Anthropologist. New Series, January - March, 1919. Vol.21:41-48.) CLARITY: 5 J. MacCurdy, George Grant. The Academic Teaching of Anthropology in Connection With Other Departments. American Anthropologist 1919 Vol. 21 p.49-60. This article is a response by Professor MacCurdy, of The length of the
article is composed of the list of institutions, which did offer anthropology
courses and their description,
based on the
topic of the courses; who taught them and how many students were enrolled
in
1916. He concluded that the number of anthropology courses being taught
had increased significantly since 1901. Moreover, the courses taught
had gained considerable relevance as a discipline. However, MacCurdy
also indicates that there continued to be a "lack of interest in
the subject" by some of the leading universities at the time.
He was also surprised by the feedback from the smaller colleges, which
had
added anthropological courses to their curriculum. Finally, he notes
that the tendency in many institutions at the time was to link anthropology
with the Social and Natural Sciences. This was ironically contrary
to the academic notion that placed anthropology in the same category
as
psychology. This article will be particularly useful to individuals interested in
the history of anthropology as a discipline, particularly in CLARITY: 5 Moore, Clarence
B. Notes on
the Archaeology of In his article, Many interesting
shell tools have been found in the area. These tools come in two types,
and are made with large shells. Removing
various
internal portions of the shell’s structure created the tools. Not a lot of study
has been conducted upon these implements. One type of tool has two holes
in the shell, allowing for a handle and the ultimate creation of a "..hoe
or pick to loosen the soil" (402). The second type of tool consists
of one hole in the shell, leaving enough space to insert a handle and "…was
used in the manner of a spade" (402). CLARITY RANKING: 5 Moore, Clarence B. Notes on
the Archaeology of This article is about the survey of the Florida’s east coast and some of its close surrounding islands. No one had done much research in this area because archaeologists believed that there was nothing to be concerned with in this area. When they did their survey they found that there were many sites to be excavated. They found large shells that were used as tools along with platforms
and mounds with canals that showed that there had been Indian occupants
there. The authors were shocked
to find anything of importance here but no reason is given to explain
why. The article includes information about shells
they found at the sites. One shell
was used as a hoe and another as a spade. The authors then describe each of the shells
and give their arguments as to why they think these two shells were used
for horticulture. For the most part this article’s main focus is on the two shells they found. It concludes by notifying that future archaeologists may want to go to this site because it is still intact. CLARITY RANKING: 4 DEREK KOCHER Southern Morley, Sylvanus
Grisworld. Joseph
Thomas Goodman: September 18, 1838-October 1, 1917. American Anthropologist
1919 Vol.21:441-445. Joseph Thompson Goodman is remembered for his archaeological achievements,
as a journalist and writer, and for being the person who discovered Mark
Twain (the famous writer) (441). His most remarkable achievement for
which he will be remembered is his contributions to the decipherment
of Maya hieroglyphic writing. While he was the editor of The Enterprise in
1861, he "discovered" Mark Twain, with whom he developed
a lifelong friendship. In 1884, Mr. Goodman founded The San Franciscan,
a very ambitious literary publication for its time. Mr. Goodman published
historical works of early Mr. Goodman insisted,
to his death, that advancements in Maya decipherment lie in mathematics
not phonetics. This principle
has been proven
incorrect and phonetics is showing promise for future decipherment efforts.
However,
this detracts little from the magnitude of Joseph Thompson Goodman’s
many great achievements. CLARITY: 4 Morley, Sylvanus Griswold. Joseph Thompson Goodman. American Anthropologist September, 1919 Vol. 21(3): 441-445. Sylvanus Griswold Morley esteems and details the life and works of Joseph
Thompson Goodman in an obituary. Griswold
briefly details the life of Goodman. He
begins with the childhood of Goodman in the In his spare time, Goodman dabbled in more scientific endeavors. His interests led him to the pursuit of deciphering inscriptions on the Mayan hieroglyphs. This would be his crowning achievement. His studies of Mayan monuments led to the discernment of their writing. Although another scientist was given credit for nearly the same thing, Morley demonstrates that the work of Goodman was different whereas Goodman’s research was focused on monuments, that of his contemporary (Forstemann), resulted in the deciphering of Mayan manuscripts. Morley asserts that Goodman’s most noteworthy achievement was the compilation of his famed chronological tables. In Morley’s time there was no more preferred chronological record. In fact, nearly all of the characters that had been interpreted at this point were in agreement with Goodman’s arithmo-calendric (arithmetic calendar) category. He admits that some of the content of the characters were yet to be interpreted. But, this would in no way detract from the irrefutable magnitude of Goodman’s discoveries. CLARITY RANKING: 4 SARAH RICHARDSON Southern Painter, George S. The Future
of the American Negro. American
Anthropologist 1919 Vol. 2:410-420 George Painter uses this article
to explore the possible future of the African American. Because Africans were brought to the George Painter ultimately decides
that the color of African Americans skin will eventually become much
lighter and the difference in pigment between African Americans and
those of the white race will become less and less different. The first reason Painter gives to back his
argument is the mixing of African American blood and that of non-African
American blood. The mixing of
this blood results in a lighter color of the skin, which is more desired. Due to the fact that this lighter color is
desired African American individuals will search for partners with
lighter skin. This process would
eventually begin to lead to the gradual elimination of the very dark
skin of some of the African Americans. Painter
also discusses the importance of environment in the changing of the
African American skin color. He
states that the environment in which an individual originates determines
their skin color. Using the Native Americans as an example
Painter once again predicts that the African American skin will lighten
over years. He ends by stating
that extreme color differences in skin may in the end be wiped out
by nature. CLARITY RANKING: 5 LAURA WARREN Southern
Painter, George S. The Future Of The American Negro. American Anthropologist, 1919 Vol.21: 410-420. This article attempts
to examine the “evolution” of
the American Negro. Painter explored factors such as adaptation to
civilization,
illicit amalgamation, environment, and natural selection were. CLARITY: 4 BETH CHILDERS University of South Florida (Kevin A. Yelvington). Parsons, Elsie
Clews. Increase
By Magic: A Zuni Pattern. American Anthropologist 1919 Vol. 21: 279-286 In this piece the
author’s objective is to inform the
reader of the importance of magic amongst the Zuni Indians. By thoroughly
explaining
the importance of clay figurines within their daily lives, the author
provides a clear understanding of how the Zuni Indians live amongst
each other. The clay figurines are essential to prolong life and to
secure the dead. The night before Christmas eve the Zuni place small
clay
figures
of sheep, cows, donkeys and horses around a saint to be left there
for four days when they are taken home and kept during the year. The
rain
priests are somewhat different. These people do not take their figurines
to the home of a saint. Instead, they place them on an altar in their
home to ensure security and protection. The Zuni also use
the magic of the clay figurines to increase any object of to provide
solutions for any problems. For example,
for the increase
of children of the development of an unborn child, the figurines
come into play. "During a dance a woman who has had miscarriages
may be given a baby or doll by a masked impersonation (1919: 281). A
woman
may bring a clay figurine of a baby to a winter solstice altar. The
magic of the figurine is said to provide the woman with a child. Throughout this piece the author constructs his argument by thoroughly
explaining the importance of magic amongst the Zuni. Elsie Parsons provides
clear examples to support her claims, resulting in an organized and reasonable
article. CLARITY: 5 Parsons, Elsie Clews. Increase by Magic: A Zuni Pattern. American Anthropologist. July-Sept. 1919. Vol. 21(3): 279-286. In this article, author Elsie Clews Parsons discusses the different types of magic rituals that are said to cause increase in Zuni society. The Zuni itsumawe ritual is linked to Christmas and the winter solstice. In this ritual, the people bury clay figurines of domestic animals, wealth and food items in the area from whence each comes (for example, burying a clay sheep by the sheep pen). This is done on the fourth night of the winter solstice festival, or Christmas Eve. The priests of the town use similar figurines but place them on altars within their own homes. A Zuni ritual to cause an increase in children may be done at the same time. For this practice, a childless mother may be given a clay figurine of a baby. She then has to carry the baby figure with her in secret. If the woman does this and gives gifts to the priest who is helping her, she may have a healthy baby. Parsons also discusses the possible
origins for these types of rituals in her article. She states that the rituals have been linked
to the Spanish occupation in the Finally, Parsons writes about the immediate increase in goods that the Zuni received by the increase rituals. At the end of the 10-day celebration, the “refuse heap” is taken out by each household. Whoever could stay up all night was entitled to a portion of all the other goods, so long as he was the first one awake in the morning to make the rounds. This article describes some older Zuni rituals which apply to other
tribes in the CLARITY RANKING: 3 JENNIE KANYOK Southern Pearce, J.E. Indian
Mounds and Other Relics of Indian Life in J.E. Pearce examines the archaeological evidence of the Native Americans
that once occupied the lands in Pearce details the history of the Texas Native Americans, which proves
to be a strong point, as the reader receives greater context for the
article. He describes how All of Pearce’s
archeological evidence is described next. For clarity, Pearce has divided CLARITY: 3 Pearce, J.E. Indian
Mounds and Other Relics of Indian Life in The concern of the author in this article is the neglect of the archaeology
and ethnology of the Texas Indians. Pearce argues that the state, the
citizens, and the federal government have ignored the topic and it is
time to intensely study the Texas Indians to achieve a full history of
mankind. Before he undertakes a brief history of this neglected group,
Pearce explains the lack of interest on the part of the state and federal
government. The problem originated when Pearce then moves on to the archaeology of the Texas Indians. He goes
through five districts and provides a brief description of the areas
and their contents. The first district in east Through the relics found, the writer is able to discern that the culture
was primarily based on hunting with very little agricultural knowledge.
He encourages scientists to no longer neglect the field of Texas Indians
and complete their studies before the remaining relics are destroyed
by the white man. CLARITY: 4 Popenoe, Wilson. Batido and Other Guatemalan Beverages Prepared From Cacao. American Anthropologist N. S., 21, 1916:403-407. Popenoe’s article
describes how the drink batido, or beaten, is prepared by the Kekchi and Pokonchi Indians
of northern The drink we would call chocolate is rare to the Indians but is used by Europeans and natives of mixed blood. They prepare it by roasting then grinding the cacao and adding sugar. The amount of sugar differs depending on whether it is to be consumed or traded. Vanilla or cinnamon is added, and the mixture is heated and poured into molds or molded with the hands into thin round cakes. These cakes are later placed in the bottom of a cup, and hot water is then added and stirred. Pinol is another beverage
in northern Popenoe’s firsthand account of the beverages of the Guatemalan Indians is very informational. He goes into great detail listing the ingredients and how the drinks are prepared. Though there is not much description of the ceremonial uses of batido, the text is enjoyable to read. CLARITY RANKING: 4 STEVE CUTRIGHT Southern
Popenoe, Wilson. Batido and Other Guatemalan Beverages Prepared from Cacao. American Anthropologist, 1919 Vol. 21(1): 403-409. The cacao bean is commonly used among the Kekchi and Pokonchi Indians in northern Guatemala to produce a drink called batido. Popenoe compares batido with an ancient Mexican drink and with coffee, which is the beverage of the Guatemalans of European extraction. The method by which batido is made and served by the northern Guatemalans is similar to that of their ancestors, the Maya. First, the cacao bean is roasted over a slow fire until browned. The browned beans are then placed on the kaa (this is similar to the metate stone used by Mexicans to grind corn) and ground into coarse fragments. Half of these beans are placed aside and the other half are ground even more until they become powdery. The original fragments are then combined with the powdery half and placed into a guacal (this is made from the fruit of Crescentia cujete. Tepid water is added and the mixture is beaten by hand, with the hands. This is where the name comes from, batido, it means beaten. It is beaten until the fat separates from the cacao and is visible as white globules on the surface of the mixture. If the fat does not separate, the mixture is then heated. Next, the mixture, which is now a thin paste, is seasoned in one of
many various ways. Traditionally, orejuela (ear flower) was the chosen
seasoning, however the use of it is on the decline. Black pepper, cinnamon,
or vanilla are the most commonly used by the Guatemalan Indians. The
mixture can also be colored brick-red by adding ground achiote. The seed
of Achradelpha mammosa, zapote in Spanish, saltul in Kekchi, and saltulul
in Pokonchi, is also sometimes used for seasoning the batido. Chocolate is made in a similar way by the Guatemalans as is Pinol and Tiste. The cacao bean is roasted and mixed with sugar after its shell is removed to produce chocolate. The zapote seed is sometimes added to the chocolate just as in batido. Cinnamon and vanilla are used for seasoning as well. The chocolate is divided into individual molds and mixed with hot water or milk when ready to drink. The beverage Pinol is made by a mixture of corn, cacao, cinnamon, anise, and sometimes orejuela. Tiste is not made by the Indians but consumed by them. It is made by natives of mixed blood. The cacao bean is mixed with sugar, roasted rice, cinnamon, and ground achiote. CLARITY: 4. DAWN S. CARNEY University of South Florida (Kevin A. Yelvington) Popenoe, Wilson. The
Useful Plants of The ancient Maya were unquestionably agriculturists that cultivated
several main foodstuffs such as maize and beans, and also grew other
crops to meet their dietary and practical needs. This article investigates
the valley of the Some of the principal plants in the cereals and vegetables category
are maize, beans, squash, the pumpkin, sweet potato, and tomato. All
of these plants are used in The fruit category is the largest and some of its contents are the Spanish
plum, guava, avocado, zapote, saopdilla, guapinol, custard-apple, anona
blanca, wild grape, and pineapple, which were all known by the Maya.
This category also contains the cashew, banana, mango, coconut, and pomegranate,
which all have been introduced since the Conquest. The rest of the categories are rather small. In the Beverage Plants
category the Maya knew both the Cacao and chocolate and patashte, but
coffee which is now known in the area was introduced after the Conquest.
Some of the plants in the flavoring category are the chile pepper, which
was known to the native Maya and vanilla, which is said to grow close
to This brief and concise article would be useful to anyone interested
in the ancient Mayan civilization. CLARITY: 5
Mr. Popenoe’s
article deals with the cultivated vegetation available in the region
of the Copan river valley in present
day Guatemala. He
addresses the question of which of these plants were produced and used
by ancient Maya inhabitants and which were introduced into the region
relatively recently, after the arrival of Europeans. Popenoe distinguishes
indigenous species of plants by observing archaeological data and examining
the likelihood of different plants being utilized for agriculture by
the Maya for specific purposes. CLARITY: 4.5 KELLY BENJAMIN University of South Florida (Kevin A. Yelvington) Quevedo, Samuel A. Lafone. Guarani Kinship Terms As Index Of Social Organization. American Anthropologist, 1919 Vol.21: 421-440. Quevedo’s focus of this paper is to analyze the linguistic terms of kinship relationships and how they relate to the social structure of the native peoples which inhabit much of the Atlantic coast of South America from the Amazon River to Santa Catalina in Brazil, as well as along a good section of the Parana River. He begins by making references to a number of writings ranging from the early sixteenth century to about the mid seventeenth century which documented accounts of kinship relations and marriage customs of the Guarani people. He then draws assumptions as to the origins of the current kinship structure based on those accounts. Quevedo then moves onto the actual linguistic and social analysis. This is where he actually takes a look at the current kinship structure concentrating mainly on issues of who an individual is considered related to for purposes of marriage. The language to describe these relations is then broken down to component parts and analyzed in an attempt to better understand how the Guarani people view these relations. Quevedo gives the reader a sampling of the basic vocabulary used so that they may follow in the analysis as he presents it. In his conclusions he attempts to explain the differences in both language
and Guarani views of maternal and paternal aunts and uncles, mothers
and fathers, and grandparents. Again, as in earlier sections of the paper,
Quevedo dissects the terminology, analyzing every root, prefix and suffix.
He wraps up his conclusion with yet another exhaustive analysis of the
basic terms for ethnic kinship, or more simply, being part of the ethnic
group. CLARITY: 2 MICHAEL CLEMENS University of South Florida (Kevin A. Yelvington) Ray, Although Ray states
his agreement with Hocarth that Melanesians are capable of abstraction,
his article remains an empirical criticism
of Hocarth’s method of analysis. The author feels that Hocarth's exclusive
reference to the Fijian language does not apply to Through constant
dialogue with Hocarth’s article, Ray’s many examples
illustrate that the perceived complexity of Melanesian possessives is
really a form of emphasis-an over classification in Western terms- of
the possessed object. His geographical differentiation of the Melanesian
and Polynesian area reveals a greater number of possessive words in less
influenced South-Eastern area. In direct contradiction to the culture/fusion
theory, Ray’s observation indicates that Melanesian possessives are in
fact "survivals" of it’s cultural past. In other areas, possessives
are portrayed as products of cultural development, whose numerous expressions
have been exaggerated by a misunderstanding of linguistic syntax. By
cross-referencing these possessives with Melanesian linguistic syntax,
Ray reveals that possessives after a noun become prepositions. This article provides detailed linguistic analysis infused with theory.
It would be extremely useful to someone seeking precise empirical linguistic
evidence. It also provides an interesting comparison of Indo-Pacific
to Western linguistics or may serve as a study in linguistic methodology. CLARITY RATING: 4 Ray, The basis for Sydney H. Ray’s article is an earlier study on the Melanesian languages by A. M. Hocart. The point of Hocart’s article was to criticize two popular schools of thought that explain the use of Melanesian possessives. The "psychologist" school of thought believes the Melanesians do not grasp the abstract idea of possession because of the vast amounts and complexity of possessive words in the language. On the other hand, the culture-fusion theorists view possessive words used in Melanesian languages as survivals of a Prae-Melanesian language that has been altered by outside influences. The author agrees with Hocart that the Melanesians do understand the concept of general possession, however, Ray criticizes Hocart’s methodology stating that it obscured and invalidated his explanation of the Melanesian possessives. He states that Hocart confined his research to the Fijian language, which is not representative of the majority of Melanesian languages and that his explanation does not fully account for the forms expressing possession. Ray shows through examples of basic Melanesian syntax, that suffixed pronouns are not in apposition and do not always denote partial identity. Suffixed pronouns are either adjectives or genitives. Ray adds that Hocart was mistaken by classifying possessive particles as articles or prepositions. Possessive articles are, in fact, nouns. He explains that the Melanesians "…have classified their possessions in various categories and use a general, non-particularized noun such as English possession…for clearness of speech, this noun requires definition…"(p. 355). Ray also dismisses Hocart’s theory on survivals, which is based on songs and invocations from the Melanesian languages that differ from ordinary speech throughout the region. While Ray admits that it is possible that Melanesian words could be survivals of a Prae-Melanesian habit, he favors the idea that "…the use of the general noun before the name of a possession, as a possessive, or its use after a noun where it can tend to become a preposition" (p. 360) is due to the common and widespread usage of Melanesian speech. This article is extremely useful as an example of how a study in linguistic anthropology was conducted at the beginning of the 20th century. It typically builds upon a previously written article by adding richer examples to support its assertion. CLARITY RANKING: 3 CANDACE DACE, ROB TAYLOR, BRIAN COON, TIFFANY MESSENGER Reagan, Albert
B. Some Games
of the Bois Albert B. Reagan, the author of this article, noticed that a number
of games are played by the Ojibwa of Bois Fort, Minnesota. He took the
time to observe these activities, during his term of office as Indian
agent at the locality named. The games may be divided into: (1) games
of chance, which include two dice games and a game of moccasins; (2)
games of dexterity, dependent on the physical strength of its players,
and which include the games of snow-snake, double ball, lacrosse and
shinny. Another game played by this Native group is called bowl, based
on gambling. The author sets out to thoroughly describe each of the most
popular games of the Ojibwa Indians as a method to inform people of their
own sporting activities. He also does this as a way to teach some knowledge
that is interesting but difficult to obtain since this certain cultural
group does not have much of a prominent position in this modern world. The first game described in the article is called pah-gay-say or
bowl. It is played either by two individuals, or by two sets of players,
with the Indians often wagering all they have. The requisites of this
game consist of a large, shallow, symmetrical, nicely finished hemispherical
bowl, as well as dice and counting sticks. Players take turns selecting
sticks from their opponent’s pile or a central pile until all is taken.
The player (or set of players) who gets the eighty counting sticks in
his possession has won the game. The players sit down with the bowl containing
the dice placed in between them. Bets are then made. At the right moment,
the player strikes the bowl on the blanket by lifting it slightly and
setting it down with a quick jerk. This causes the dice to fly upward
and fall back down, some of the faces becoming reversed, changing their
counting values. Points are awarded bases on the faces of the fallen
dice. Another popular game of the Ojibwa is called the Moccasin game, otherwise
known as the bullet game. The government had to expel the activity of
this game because too many Indians gambled away all of their money. The
game is called mah-ke-tse-nah-tag-tim. The prerequisites of the
game are usually four moccasins or almost anything which will provide
a means of obscuring the gaming articles; four bullets, plum seeds, or
any other small objects of the kind; a blanket stretched and pegged down
upon the ground or floor; a couple of striking sticks (to which a mystical
quality is attributed); a drum and sticks; and twenty counting or tally
sticks. One of the bullets is marked; the other is unmarked. At the beginning
of the game, each player takes ten of the tally sticks, and has won the
game when all of them are in his possession. The game is played by two
principal players and any number of others as assistants. A bullet is
placed under each moccasin, but only one marked bullet is put hidden
underneath as well. To confuse his opponents, he shakes the bullets,
hiding and removing them, as he lifts the moccasins with his left hand
and places his right beneath. He also contorts his body, from side to
side in every way, until he has concluded. He then suddenly holds up
both his hands, and calls out an explosive "ho!" in a high
note. The guessing then begins with the opposing player pretending as
if he is going to strike a moccasin, but then withdrawing in doubt. This
fake gesture is performed to see if the other player makes some kind
of physical act showing which moccasin he placed the marked bullet. The
moccasins are turned over until it is found, then it is the other player’s
turn. The next game described
is the children’s dice game,
which is played for pastime only. The object of the game is very easy.
Sticks are tossed
on the ground and the points are determined by the ways in which they
fall. Any number of children may play. A player has won when he/she gets
ten points. The game of snow-snake is performed either on ice or snow. A stick of
peeled hardwood was used, with the front end called the head and the
end called the tail. Sometimes the head was shaped like that of a snake,
with a cut to denote its mouth and eyes. In other cases, the head end
of the snake was bent upward to imitate a running snake. The activity
begins with the player stooping forward towards the ground. The snow-snake
is held horizontally, then the player thrusts it forward causing it to
glide over the snow rapidly for a considerable distance. The player whose
stick glides the farthest is the winner. The game of snow stick involves
a stick about two feet in length, of cigar or club shape, very much larger
at one end than at the other and tapering away gradually at the smaller
end. It is also thrown over the snow just to see how far it can go. One of the most
favorite games at Bois Fort is the sport of lacrosse. The object of
the game is to put the ball past the opponents’ goal post.
Generally, the game resembles football, except that each player has a
stick with a circular pocket. The player carries the stick almost horizontally
before him, moves it from side to side and catches the ball inside the
pocket. Other players are attempting to take the ball away from him by
knocking the ball from the player’s rachet, or dislodging it by hitting
his stick. At The last group of
games played by the Indians at Bois Fort is shinny, played mostly by
young boys and women. It resembles
that of lacrosse.
No one is allowed to touch the ball with his hands; though almost any
other strategy is allowed. Judges are chosen before the game is played
and there is no way that a decision is appealed. The game is won when
one side has driven the ball past the other’s goal post; however, in
the women’s game of shinny, the game is won when the opponent’s goal
post is actually hit with the ball. In conclusion, there are a variety of games played by the Ojibwa that
still resemble that of today. The author organizes his data about the
games into specific groups that way it is easier for the reader. CLARITY: 5 Reagan,
Albert B. Some Games of the
Bois This article, written by Albert Reagan and edited by F. W. Waugh, is a descriptive notation of several popular games often played by the Ojibwa of Bois Fort, Minnesota. Reagan, a past United States Indian agent for this location, wrote these notes on account of his term in office. He takes it upon himself to clarify any phonetic inaccuracies or misunderstandings inferred by Mr. Reagan. Waugh gives universal translations of the names of each widely distributed game based upon the similar Otchipwe language. He hoping in effect, that the reader can better comprehend and relate a priori knowledge about indigenous games to those listed. These games are divided into games of chance (bowl, moccasin, and children’s dice games) and games of dexterity and physical strength (snow-snake, double ball, lacrosse, and shinny games). Reagan goes on to note detailed descriptions about each game. He notes the number of players required and allowed, and notes the purpose of each game: gambling, entertainment, or amusement. He entails rather detailed descriptions of game pieces: dimensions and measurements, materials comprised of, and other physical attributes (color, size comparisons, and number of pieces). Reagan also includes instructions, rules, directions, and guidelines for playing and scoring. In some cases he lists terms oftentimes used throughout the games and occasional game songs that help opposing players determine the doubt or confidence of another player. Lastly, the author gives a notion as to the designated age group and gender intended for each game. CLARITY RANKING: 4 JAMIE
LYNN HOLTMANN Southern Saville, Marshall H. Theodoor de Booy. American Anthropologist 1919 Vol.21 (12): 182-185. In this obituary, Saville reviews the life of archaeologist Theodoor de Booy, illustrating the impact of his work within the field of archaeology. Saville presents
a short overview of Mr. de Booy’s life and his work.
The information given within this obituary is based largely on Mr. de
Booy’s work and his pursuits of archaeological endeavors, not his personal
life. The day and reason of Mr. de Booy’s death are given, as well as
information regarding his parents and where and when he was born. Saville
includes information regarding Mr. de Booy’s education, the time frame
in which he came to the Saville goes on
to describe how Mr. de Booy was "one of the most
active and prolific investigators in archaeological and geographical
research" (p.183). Saville uses a chronology of Mr. de Booy’s field
excavations and his published work to exemplify the influence Mr. de
Booy had on the field of archaeology. Mr. de Booy visited the Bahama
Islands in 1911 & 1912, engaged himself in a study of the Caicos
peoples, and explored many caves and mounds, which resulted in the discovery
of a significant paddle on the Saville acknowledges
the achievements and contributions Theodoor de Booy made to the field
of anthropology. More specifically,
Saville gives
evidence describing many first-ever excavations that were carried out
by Mr. de Booy. Mr. de Booy has enriched the field of archaeology with
his collections and writings, expanding "our knowledge of the ancient
history of the CLARITY: 5 Saville, M. Theodoor de Booy. American Anthropologist 1919 Vol. 21: 182-185 Theodoor de Booy
was an American Archeologist who was one of the most enthusiastic workers
and field explorers. He received
his education at
the Royal Naval Institute of Holland. Mr. de Booy’s first field exploration
was in the Bahama Islands in 1911, and during his residence he became
interested in the antiquities of the Caicos group of the After his return
from this trip de Booy joined the forces of the State Department Inquiry,
as one of its South American experts.
Mr. de Booy’s
writings and findings are considered at the top when it comes to the
study of the CLARITY RANKING: 5 Schrabisch, Max. Mountain Haunts of the Coastal Algonquian. American Anthropologist N.S. Vol.21(8):139-152. (1919) In 1899, studies began on The Redman Shelters, rock shelters in the
East Coast region of the Most of the sites were scattered throughout the Max Schrabisch provided geological and ethnological information regarding the Redman shelters. He established the relevance of certain sites by giving detailed examples of his studies. Since 1919, when the essay was published, anthropology has changed, and both Schrabisch's theory (functionalist) and terminology is, at best, dated. Today, labels such as "squaw" and "redman" are recognized to be offensive, and other cultures are understood to be equally, if differently complex, rather than ‘primitive’ . Overall, the piece is wordy, technically detailed, and organizationally challenged, making it difficult to follow. .CLARITY: 3 Schrabisch, Max. Mountain Haunts of the Coastal Algonquian. American Anthropologist 1919 N.S., Vol.21:139-152 This article tells
how Native North American artifacts were discovered in cave dwellings
but it was unclear to whom they belonged.
Schrabisch
analyzes these artifacts in hopes that they will answer "many a
problem involved in the study of the American Indian." The basic
argument becomes that these caves were occupied by different sub-divisions
of the ‘Algonquians.’ Schrabisch examines the artifacts found in these
caves, left undisturbed to determine which bands of Native North Americans
inhabited them. He draws this evidence from the distribution of the sites,
the principal types of the caves, lithological features, resources available
and territories, and the cultural remains left under the rocks. CLARITY: 3 Skinner, Alanson. A Sketch of Eastern Dakota Ethnology. American Anthropologist 1919 (21): 164 This Article describes the data collected from the Sisseton and Wahpeton
tribes from South and East Dakota in August of 1914. The field experience
was documented for the The author, Skinner, separates his article into sections, and each is titled as follows: Dress, Lodges, Household Utensils, Mats, Bowls and Spoons, Woven Bags, and the list goes on. Each paragraph discusses in detail the data collected for each category. For example, the dress of the Isanti and Wahpeton groups’ began with the men. They wore their hair in four braids, two in the front and two in the back. There was also a headdress made from a woven sash, twisted around the head. This Headdress was called the war bonnet, because warriors who survived a battle wore it. The article goes into detail about all of the aspects of the culture in Eastern Dakota. It goes over the customs, musical instruments and games that were played. Also it explains the burial customs, mourning customs and marriage customs of the people. The next section of the article begins to explain the social and political organizations of the Eastern Dakota people. Skinner states that the Sisseton were divided into nine groups and the Wahpeton were divided into six. They were mostly named for the areas in were they lived. The government consisted of 20 councilors who solved most of the problems. The author suggests that perhaps there were no ‘chiefs’ until the white man arrived. In conclusion, Skinner puts Eastern Dakota into two sections, the Plains and the Forest People. They compared the two groups, noting their differences in dress, lodging and government. It focused on their geographical regions and concludes that where they lived influenced their individual culture identities. This article was very concise and clear. The separate headings for each paragraph were very easy to follow. CLARITY: 4 DEANNA L’ABBE Skinner, Alanson. A Sketch of Eastern Dakota Ethnology. American Anthropologist 1919 Vol.21: 164-174. This is an analysis of the Sisseton and Wahpeton peoples who reside
in Eastern Dakota. The main focus is on the culture and classification
between the He distinguishes
the following qualities: dress, lodges, household utensils-pottery,
bowls and spoons, flint knifes, grooved
stone axes, mortars and pestles,
woven bags, stone berry crushers, perfleches, pack straps, baby boards,
travois, canoes, weapons, agriculture, picture writing, tanning, musical
instruments, pipes, games, folklore, burial customs, mourning customs,
naming customs, children’s training, puberty fasting, marriage, and finally
dances and societies. For each of the traits in the list he offers a
brief explanation, so that the reader can get a general idea of what
it means or how it was performed, but does not go into detail analysis. Skinner gives us more insights when he gets to the social and political
organization. The basic organization in The conclusion places the Wahpeton at an intermediate level between
the CLARITY RATING: 3 Swanton, John
R. Dr. Frank
Baker. American
Anthropologist. 1919 Vol.21 (186-188) This short, but meaningful obituary is of a great man who contributed
largely to the field of anthropology is remembered. Dr. Frank Baker was
primarily a biologist whose death occurred on September 30, 1918. He
was instrumental in creating the foundation for the science of anthropology
and he was the chairman of the editorial committee that gave rise to
the publication of the original American Anthropologist from 1893
to 1898. Dr. Baker, born in CLARITY: 5 CARLA DI GIANDOMENICO Swanton, R. John. Dr. Frank Baker. American Anthropologist June, 1919 Vol. 21(2): 186-188. John R. Swanton’s article examines the Dr. Frank Baker’s
life. Dr. Frank Baker was one of the founders of
the science of Anthropology in Dr. Frank Baker was born at Pulaski, N. Y., in 1841. His ancestors came from Dr. Frank Baker was one of the founders of the local society of anthropology (1879), biology (1880), and medical history (1913). He also contributed to some dictionaries. For example, he wrote a National Medical Dictionary containing anatomical and medical terms. He devoted himself mainly to studies of the history of anatomy and medicine until his death. He also contributed to anthropological literature (e.g., “Human Hand”, American Anthropologist (1888) and the “Ascent of Man”, American Anthropologist (1890). CLARITY RANKING: 3 MASAYUKI MIYAZAWA Southern
Swanton, John R. Dr. Frank Baker. American Anthropologist, 1919 Vol.21: 186-188. This article is a brief but crediting tribute to the late Dr. Frank Baker, who was best known for his works in anatomy and biology, but also remembered for his research and interest in the new study of anthropology in the late 19th Century. Baker was born in New York in 1841, and enlisted at an early age to the New York volunteer division in the Civil War. In 1863, he began studying medicine and received his M.D. from Columbian University in 1880. His contributions, publications, and influences in the fields of biology, anatomy, and anthropology are numerous and impressive. His affiliations in the fields of biology and medicine included his positions as vice president of The Medical History Club of Washington and as the Superintendent of the National Zoological Park. His many publications and degrees from Georgetown, including A.M., Ph.D., and L.L.D. reflect his knowledge of and influence in biology. As Professor of Anatomy at Georgetown University and president of the Association of American Anatomists, it is no wonder Funk and Wagnall’s Dictionary used Baker’s definitions of anatomical and medical terms. The article credits Baker for being “instrumental in laying the foundations of the science of anthropology in America”. His influences in anthropology include his positions as chairman of the Editorial Committee for the American Anthropologist and as president of the Anthropological Society of Washington. In 1881 and 1882, his paper and diagram of Garfield’s assassination diagnosed his mortal wound as being caused by the second bullet. He also made contributions to anthropology through his numerous publications. Baker also helped found local anthropological, biological, and medical history societies. When he died on September 30 1918, the world lost an influential and instrumental researcher who truly embodied the ideal of anthropology as a holistic or all-inclusive field. CLARITY: 5 SARAH BRACK University of South Florida (Kevin A. Yelvington) Wallis, Wilson
D. The Animistic
Hypothesis. American
Anthropologist. 1919 Vol. 21:292-295 The Animistic Hypothesis
is a theory, started by Sir Edward B. Tylor, he states that the belief
in spirits and in the survival
of the soul
arouse out of dreams and visions in which the absent or the dead were
seen, thus giving proof of the ability of the soul to leave and to survive
the body. However, the Tylorian hypothesis became unsatisfactory for
a few reasons. First the Tylorian hypothesis fails to explain the persistence
of the belief even after the savage’s philosophy has been completely
dissipated. Another fault with the Tylorian hypothesis is the assumption
that this dream psychology is an unmotivated and a haphazard psychology,
and that its foundations rest on the vagaries of savage thought. A man
by the name of Mr. Hobhouse put forward another explanation of the origin
of the belief in the survival of the soul. Instead of saying, "They
believe that the dead continue to live in much the same way and need
the same things; therefore they give them what they need," perhaps
what we should say is rather "The mass of sentiments and emotions
stirred by death impel the mourners to acts of respect, affection and
sacrifice." Largely with unconscious intent, by the instinct of
self-conservation, man is led to believe in immortality. He/she cannot
entertain the idea of letting go that which he now possesses, his existence. CLARITY RANKING: 3 Willoughby, Charles. Serpent
Mounds of The head of the serpent was also This article was very concentrated with information and therefore it must be read and re-read slowly and carefully to absorb all the information presented. CLARITY RANKING: 4 Willoughby, Charles
C. The
Serpent Mound of In Many studies have
been made regarding the Serpent Mound, with different hypotheses as
to what kind of act the serpent is engaged
in. Squier and
Davis published the first plan of the Serpent Mound in 1848; however,
the plan is sketchy and inaccurate in dimension and delineation. They
saw in the embankments a serpent with its mouth "open wide as if
in the act of swallowing or ejecting an oval figure." The American Indians believed that the serpent was the god of the upper
regions. The serpent is also connected with the cosmic symbol of the
circle with inner cross and central sun circle. He has different names
associated with various groups such as the Aztecs, Maya and Hopi. In
the South, the serpent is usually shown with plumes or feathers, whereas
in the North, he commonly appears with two to four horns. The total length of the Serpent Mound is approximately 1417 feet, its
greatest width is 24 feet and height is 4 feet. The effigy can be divided
into two sections: a portion back of the first turn at the neck that
comprises the folds of the body and the coiled extremity, along with
the remaining parts of the effigy, which undoubtedly represent the conventionalized
head of the serpent lying flat on the land. Examinations of the ground
conclude that the ends of the so-called jaws were originally projected
several feet beyond what they are now. Also, the original outlines of
the projections at the base of the head were probably narrower or higher
than at the current time. The embankments forming this effigy have been
subjected to a number of disturbances from both man and nature, including
erosion, the uprooting of trees, burrowing animals and cultivation. In this article, the author uses data tables, photographs, diagrams
and sketches as evidence of the Serpent Mound. CLARITY: 5
|
|
.jpg){kind=small}
.gif){kind=small}